399
13albion
lifeinmiddlemarch1
2defense
Anthony McCann1 360x1000
LillianFaderman
Mark V Holmes 360x1000
Margaret Fuller5 360x1000
Edmund Burke 360x1000
2lafayette
2paradise
3defense
Ruth Bader Ginsburg 360x1000
12albion
5albion
Office of Chief Counsel 360x1000
11albion
7albion
Betty Friedan 360x1000
Margaret Fuller 360x1000
8albion'
1paradide
299
Margaret Fuller1 360x1000
George M Cohan and Lerarned Hand 360x1000
storyparadox2
1defense
Mary Ann Evans 360x1000
4albion
3paradise
Storyparadox1
9albion
Richard Posner 360x1000
Thomas Piketty1 360x1000
Thomas Piketty3 360x1000
199
3theleastofus
AlexRosenberg
2theleastofus
1lookingforthegoodwar
Adam Gopnik 360x1000
Margaret Fuller3 360x1000
1falsewitness
2trap
2jesusandjohnwayne
4confidencegames
1theleasofus
Lafayette and Jefferson 360x1000
1lafayette
storyparadox3
1gucci
6confidencegames
lifeinmiddlemarch2
3albion
2transadentilist
Thomas Piketty2 360x1000
5confidencegames
1albion
1confidencegames
Susie King Taylor2 360x1000
Tad Friend 360x1000
Brendan Beehan 360x1000
14albion
George F Wil...360x1000
Susie King Taylor 360x1000
10abion
Spottswood William Robinson 360x1000
Maurice B Foley 360x1000
Margaret Fuller 2 360x1000
1transcendentalist
Maria Popova 360x1000
1jesusandjohnwayne
Samuel Johnson 360x1000
1trap
Margaret Fuller2 360x1000
1madoff
Stormy Daniels 360x1000
2lookingforthegoodwar
2confidencegames
James Gould Cozzens 360x1000
6albion
Anthony McCann2 360x1000
Margaret Fuller4 360x1000
2albion
1lauber
1empireofpain
Learned Hand 360x1000
Gilgamesh 360x1000
499
2gucci
3confidencegames
2falsewitness
11632
7confidencegames
Originally Published on forbes.com on August 22nd, 2011
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Most tax bloggers are more serious than I am.  Professor Annette Nellen of San Jose State University is no exception.  She previously appeared as a guest blogger before I started with Forbes.  Serious as she is, she was reckless enough to invite me on to her policy blog 21st Century Taxation. Professor Nellen was selected by the AICPA to tesitfy before Congress on the need for comprehensive tax reform. 
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The start of the 2012 presidential campaign and formation of a new congressional committee to propose a plan to reduce the deficit by $1.5 trillion over ten years, brings with them mention of spending cuts, tax changes, and no new revenues. Big dollars are involved – trillions (!), and our federal budget is complicated. But the issues are too important to let the rhetoric shape tax and budget reform. There are a lot of questions for which the answers can help us understand the problems and find workable solutions. I suggest one question here that is pertinent to talk of spending cuts or not increasing revenues.
Question – Will spending cuts include reducing any spending that exists in the tax law?
Over the past two decades, a growing amount of spending has been inserted into the tax law rather than as line items in an agency’s annual budget (or just not implemented in the first place). To explain, let’s first consider this basic budget concept:
            Revenues – Spending = Surplus (Deficit)
If the government wants to spend more (such as to fund a war) without creating a deficit, revenues must be increased or spending reduced.  Revenues come primarily from taxes; but when spending exceeds revenues, borrowing is needed to supplement the tax revenues.
If taxes are cut, revenues go down. A tax cut might be in the form of a rate reduction, or a new or increased deduction, exemption or credit. To avoid a deficit, other revenues must be increased or other spending reduced. 

If the government decides it wants to encourage use of renewable energy, it could authorize more spending by the Department of Energy. Without any other changes, there would be a deficit. Alternatively, the government could enact tax credits for people who invest in renewable energy. A tax credit lowers a taxpayer’s tax bill (and thus, reduces government revenues). Under either approach, the budget effect is the same – a deficit (unless other changes are made to increase revenues or reduce spending).
Our federal income tax has over 200 special deductions, exclusions and credits (called “tax expenditures”). Like the energy credits in the prior example, tax expenditures reduce revenues. In most situations, the tax expenditure could instead have been a line item in an agency’s budget. For example, consider a tax credit for higher education costs, such as the existing American Opportunity Tax Credit (AOTC). This credit reduces an individual’s income tax bill by up to $2,500 per college student (for each of the first four years of college subject to an income phase-out rule). This credit means that less revenue is collected. Alternatively, the government could have created agrant program to distribute these funds. Either way, the budget effect is the same (reduced revenues or increased spending).
Yet, there are differences, including the following:
  • Special tax rules are not reviewed regularly whereas agency budgets are subject to annual review.
  • The true cost of the government assistance for a particular activity (such as subsidizing those paying college tuition) is not obvious. For example, you can find the cost of Pell grants in the Department of Education budget, but not the cost of the AOTC.
  • Tax spending is affected by traits of a tax system. For example, a Pell grant for higher education can be obtained when tuition is due. The AOTC is not tied to that timing.  Also, tax benefits go to those with tax liabilities. Thus, the AOTC won’t help low-income individuals with incomes below the filing threshold, even though they may need the assistance more than individuals with over $100,000 of income. And, when the special tax provision is a deduction or exclusion, the tax benefit is greater for those in higher brackets. That is, a $1,000 deduction saves $350 of taxes for someone in a 35% bracket, but only $100 for someone in a 10% bracket (meaning that the higher income person is out-of-pocket $650 while the lower income individual is out of pocket $900).
Today, non-defense discretionary spending (what’s available for cuts) represents 19% of total spending (CBO) or about $703 billion (CBO). In contrast, spending in the tax law totals about $1.1 trillion (Deficit Commissionreport page 28). Thus, a spending cut exercise that only considers the $703 billion overlooks a lot of other spending.
There are at least two hurdles to cutting spending in the tax law beyond the fact that it is often overlooked as even being spending. First, taxpayers who claim the special deductions and credits don’t want to see them eliminated or reduced. Second, removal or reduction of tax expenditures results in an increase in revenue. Politicians who seek no increase in revenues have to ignore the big pot of spending in the tax law. In contrast, a reduction in the budget of any agency is labeled a spending cut. It is up to us to ask the right question – where are the cuts to the spending in the tax law to help reduce the deficit?
And by the way, a related tax question to anyone calling for new tax deductions or credits is – how will you pay for that spending?
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